Af Michael Böss, Leder af Center for Irske Studier, Aarhus Universitet. English version below
Gennem det meste af de sidste 15 år har Irlands økonomi udviklet sig til at blive en af de stærkeste i Europa, efter igennem det meste af århundredet havde været en af de mest mislykkede. Årsagerne og midlerne til væksten er mangeartede og komplekse og skal ses på baggrund af Irlands økonomiske historie siden begyndelsen af 1960’erne.
Men lige som det gælder for Danmarks vedkommende, står også nutidens moderniserede og velstående Irland over for udfordringer fra et globalt marked, som vil kræve reformer og initiativer, der kan skærpe konkurrenceevnen og derved skabe national og regional vækst i fremtiden. Dette notat har til formål at præsentere nogle argumenter for, at en erfaringsudveksling mellem Danmark og Irland kan være nyttig for denne proces. Notatet skal således ses som et forsøg på at identificere en række emner, som det fra en dansk synsvinkel ville være relevante at komme ind på i forbindelse med seminaret.
Notatets overvejelser vil i vidt omfang referere til den strategiplan, som fremlægges i den seneste "partnerskabsaftale" mellem regeringen og dens "sociale partnere".
Med regelmæssige mellemrum har den irske regering i de sidste ca. 15 år indgået en samlet "partnerskabsaftale" med en lang række "sociale partnere" i det irske samfund som fx fagforeningernes sammenslutning (ICTU), arbejdsgivernes sammenslutning (IBEC), Eksportforeningen (IEA), Landbrugsrådet og en lang række andre private eller halv-private organisationer og institutioner. Hver gang bygger hovedaftalen på en strategirapport fra NESCC, National Economic and Social Council. Den sidste hovedaftale blev indgået i juni 2006 og derefter offentliggjort i rapporten Towards 2016: Ten-Year Framework Social Partnership Agreement 2006-2015.
Rapportens første del handler om, hvordan Irland fremover skal få held til at styrke sin position i en "Verdensøkonomi under forandring" på en sådan måde, at der fremover samtidig bliver taget mere hensyn til miljøet og den sociale velfærd. I denne dels afsnit 26 hedder det, at dette hensyn vil kunne blive varetaget "gennem yderligere udvikling af vore relationer med nuværende og fremtidige partnere i EU".
Seminaret "Matchpoints i Globalisering" bør ses i denne sammenhæng samt ud fra den opfattelse, at samarbejdet inden for EU med fordel fremover ikke alene kunne tænkes at foregå via Bruxelles, men også gennem decentralt organiserede, bi- eller multilateral erfaringsudvekslinger i form af benchmarking og undersøgelser af best national practise, dels vedrørende makro- og mikroøkonomiske forhold, dels vedrørende udviklingen af offentlig service og velfærd.
Indledningsvist bør det dog understreges, at der af historiske og kulturelt-institutionelle grunde eksisterer væsentlige økonomiske, sociale og politiske forskelle mellem Irland og Danmark. Derfor kan man fra dansk side ikke altid uden videre "efterligne" irske strukturer, politikker og måder at gøre tingene på. Til gengæld er der også en lang række ligheder, som gør det relevant at udveksle erfaringer og tage ved lære af hinanden. Blandt lighederne er, at der er tale om to mindre EU-lande med solide parlamentariske og demokratiske traditioner, med ca. samme befolkningsstørrelse og med samme høje grad af kulturel homogenitet, følelse af national identitet og social stabilitet. Desuden har de begge gennemgået en hastig udvikling fra at være landbrugssamfund til at blive samfund baseret på industri, service og landbrugsproduktion. Endelig ligger begge lande i dag i top i Europa med hensyn til konkurrencedygtighed og rigdom målt på bruttonationalproduktet.
I den sammenhæng er det vigtigt at gøre opmærksom på, at der er en 30-40 årig tradition blandt irske samfundsforskere for at studere, hvorfor Danmark kom i gang med sin økonomiske modernisering flere årtier før Irland. Endvidere bør man være opmærksom på, at den nuværende irske regering faktisk stiler imod at udvikle det irske samfund i retning af det danske og de øvrige nordiske samfund. At Danmark således på mange måder er en form for forbillede for Irland, kan blive Danmark til nytte. Til gengæld er der også flere ting, som vi i Danmark vil kunne tage ved lære af.
I betragtning af, at begge lande i netop disse år forsøger at forbedre deres konkurrencedygtighed gennem tiltag, der i slående grad minder om hinanden, bliver sammenligninger og erfaringsudvekslinger mellem disse to lande uhyre relevante. I de følgende afsnit vil jeg kort komme ind på nogle af de spørgsmål, som vi fra dansk side vil have interesse i
Generelt set må det være i dansk interesse at øge kendskabet til baggrunden for Irlands opsigtsvækkende økonomiske vækst siden 1993; en vækst som forudses at ville forblive på et højere niveau end det danske,[i] der som bekendt forudses at ville dale inden for de næste 2-3 år. Hvordan kan man forklare den? Gjorde særlige irske forhold sig gældende? Hvad skyldtes bestemte politisk-økonomiske tiltag? Var der tale om en samlet strategi? Hvilken rolle spillede staten? Hvad har partnerskabsaftalernes bidrag været? Hvorfor kan man i Irland forvente fortsat vækst på et tidspunkt, hvor den danske økonomi ventes at gå mere eller mindre ind i en periode med lavere vækst.
Irlands høje vækstprognose skyldes bl.a., at landet. som et af de eneste i Europa, vil opleve en meget høj befolkningsforøgelse i de kommende år. Denne forøgelse har rod dels i Irlands demografiske profil som et meget "ungt" land, dels i den fortsatte migration fra især Østeuropa og Baltikum, men også fra Kina og andre oversøiske lande. Befolkningstilvæksten vil bidrage til fortsat økonomisk vækst og skabe et større marked, som danske virksomheder kunne have interesse i at komme ind på inden gennem eksport, investeringer eller etablering.[ii]
Hvis vi skal forsøge at undgå lavvækst, kan der også være inspiration ved at se på Irland, fordi Irland langt fra altid har fulgt de samme vækststrategier som Danmark. Men i så fald bør vi fra dansk side have interesse i også at vide noget om de risici, Irlands nuværende, meget åbne økonomi står over for i dag. Ikke mindst fordi den - pga. sin afhængighed af amerikanske virksomheders investeringer - er stærkt afhængig af konjunkturbevægelser i USA.
Desuden bør vi vide noget om, hvordan man i Irland forsøger at gardere sig mod disse ved at skabe sin egen vidensbaserede økonomi. Regeringen opmuntrer og støtter i disse år de indenlandske virksomheder til at oprette egne forsknings- og udviklingsafdelinger og til at skabe netværk med andre virksomheder og med forskningsinstitutioner, gerne i form af såkaldte clusters of competence, og endelig til at gå ind i et nærmere samarbejde med nationale og regionale vidensmiljøer (universiteter, forskerparker og innovationscentre). På alle disse områder, har vi i Danmark interesse i at sammenligne irske erfaringer med vore egne.
Endelig vil Danmark have gavn af at orientere sig om, hvor og hvordan den irske regering forsøger at forbedre den økonomiske konkurrencedygtighed, samtidig med at den satser på større miljøbeskyttelse og stærkt forbedrede velfærdsordninger. Ikke så meget for at vi selv skulle kunne tage ved lære af Irland - idet Danmark er langt foran Irland i både miljøpolitik og velfærdspolitik - - men derimod med henblik på at kunne bidrage til løsningen af Irlands sociale og miljømæssige problemer ud for de erfaringer og den knowhow, som både den private og den offentlige sektor i Danmark ligger inde med. Dette er noget, der er ønske om i den irske regering. Det hedder således i den seneste partnerskabsaftale, at forbedringerne inden den offentlige sektor i Irland bør bygge på "en systematisk læring fra de erfaringer, man har draget i andre lande som vejledning til, hvordan man skal forholde sig til de problemer, der opstår".[iii]
Det er i den sammenhæng vigtigt at gøre opmærksom på, at selv om irerne i dag har en lidt højere levefod end os danskere, så er det irske samfund kendetegnet ved en høj grad af ulighed, store fattigdomsproblemer og alvorlige problemer med social eksklusion. De sociale velfærdsordninger forsøger naturligvis at bøde for nogle af de værste problemer, men de ligger langt under det niveau, vi kender i Danmark. Det er baggrunden for, at den irske regering i nu satser på at "genopfinde Irlands socialpolitik" som grundlag for en "developmental welfare state".[iv] Med i denne strategi hører en servicereform inden for offentlige virksomheder og institutioner.
Konkluderende på dette afsnit kan det altså slås fast, at den irske regering ønsker at skabe økonomisk vækst samtidig med at der gennemføres reformer inden for miljøbeskyttelse og velfærdssystemet. På hvilke områder forudser man, at dette skal ske, og hvilke politikker vil der blive satset på?
Fordi Irlands økonomi er sårbar over for konjunkturudsving, vil man ikke kunne forvente store og dramatiske offentlige kapitalinvesteringer. Man vil fortsætte med at føre en forholdsvis forsigtig finanspolitik for at sikre sig manøvredygtighed i tilfælde af økonomisk afmatning. De kapitalinvesteringer, der vil blive foretaget – skønnet til 5 procent af GNP – vil først og fremmest ske med henblik på at rette op på den irske økonomis endnu meget store infrastrukturelle problemer, som bl.a. betyder en økonomisk skævridning af landet til skade for især landets vestlige regioner. Desuden vil der ske investeringer, der fremmer udviklingen af en vidensbaseret økonomi: telekommunikation, udvikling af human resources og innovation. Der vil altså blive satset på uddannelse – herunder efteruddannelse – forskning og skabelse af samspil mellem forskning og produktudvikling.
Den irske regering er specielt interesseret i udviklingen af netværker mellem virksomheder indbyrdes og mellem virksomheder og forskningsinstitutioner. Regeringens erhvervspolitik hænger således sammen med dens strategi for videnskab, teknologi og innovation, som man kan læse om i regeringens netop offentliggjorte Knowledge Society Action Plan. Ifølge denne strategi vil der blive satset massivt på udviklingen af et forskningssystem af høj klasse, bl.a. gennem en fordobling af antallet af ph.d.’ere. Desuden vil man forsøge at tiltrække udenlandske forskere til irske universiteter. Forskningen vil dog også kunne styrkes ved et øget "transnationalt" samarbejde mellem irske og udenlandske universiteter, siges det. Denne del af strategien har åbenlyst dansk interesse.
Den irske regering søger at fremme en mere udbredt iværksætterkultur. Dette ønsker den danske regering som bekendt også. Alligevel bør man være opmærksom på, at Irland allerede på nuværende tidspunkt ligger på tredjepladsen inden for EU mht. evnen til at starte nye virksomheder op.[v] Det skyldes dels lettere adgang til kapital, dels færre administrative forhindringer end i så mange andre lande. Irland er således på højde med Danmark i udviklingen af en iværksætterkultur. Dette ville derfor være et naturligt spørgsmål at komme ind på, idet man ville kunne få gavn af at foretage direkte sammenligninger af de forskellige metoder, der anvendes i de to lande. Der ligger også her et attraktivt element for danske virksomheder, der måtte have ønske i at oprette et datterselskab i Irland.
Endelig har den irske regering besluttet at fokusere på at øge konkurrenceevnen inden for industrien. Det skal ved at satse mere på efter- og videreuddannelse af den eksisterende arbejdskraft. Regeringen oprettede sidste år en High Level Manufacturing Group, som skal vurdere de udfordringer, industrisektoren som helhed står over for, og som skal foreslå, hvordan de skal tages op. De fleste vil genkende den diskussion, der lægges op til her, fra Danmarks Erhvervsråds papirer og rapport. Midlerne indbefatter fx hjælp til informatisering og internationalisering af mindre virksomheder, støtte til opbygning af forsknings- og udviklingsenheder i industrivirksomheder og forbedringer af adgangen til informationer om mulighederne på relevante eksportmarkeder og til viden om støttemuligheder inden for EU. Hvad der måske er mere interessant fra en dansk synsvinkel er, at udvalget også vil se nærmere på mulighederne for at forbedre "det industrielle miljø" gennem mere smidige reguleringer. Det bør i den forbindelse nævnes, at Irland allerede nu har internationalt ry som et land, hvor tiden fra ide og opfindelse til produktion og eksport er forholdsvis kort.
Til sidst nogle betragtninger over selve det begreb om "partnerskab", som bruges i den nye aftale, og som er kommet til at stå så centralt i irsk politik og samfundsdebat gennem de sidste små tyve år.
I 1987 indledte den irske regering det seje arbejde med at bringe landet væk fra den økonomiske afgrund, det på det tidspunkt var kommet betænkelig nær på. Det skete bl.a. ved en såkaldt social partnerskabsaftale med en lang række interessegrupper og institutioner i det civile samfund. Den havde til formål at forene økonomisk vækst med social udvikling. Siden da har sådanne aftaler været en fast bestanddel af irsk politik.
Når det er lykkedes Irland at forblive et særdeles harmonisk samfund gennem de sidste årtis voldsomme vækst og internationalisering, skyldes det i høj grad, at regeringen har haft held til at skabe bred opbakning fra lønmodtagergrupper, arbejdsgivere og landmænd på en lang række punkter: løntilbageholdenhed, skattereform, velfærdsprogrammer, sundhedsbudgettet, økonomiske strukturtilpasninger og meget mere. Partnerskabsaftalerne handler altså ikke kun om at forvandle Irland til det, politologerne kalder for en "konkurrencestat. De handler i høj grad også om, hvordan man kan skabe økonomisk vækst og samtidig bevare samfundets sammenhængskraft.
De, der står bag de sociale partnerskabsaftaler, opfatter dem som langt mere end konventionelle trepartsaftaler på arbejdsmarkedet. Der er tale om en demokratisk nytænkning, idet den politiske medbestemmelse på den måde udvides ud over det parlamentariske systems grænser. Selv om staten er en af aftalernes partnere, er der dog langt fra tale om en form for planøkonomisk tankegang. Tværtimod må man se dem som en form for fusion mellem liberale ideer og en gammel irsk tradition for at se samfundet som et etisk fællesskab for medborgere.
Der bør ikke herske tvivl om, at partnerskabsaftalerne medvirkede i 1990’erne til at skabe Irlands "tigerøkonomi". I dag, hvor væksten er mindre, men stadig høj, har den stærke økonomi gjort det muligt for staten at generere indtægter, hvormed den nu kan gennemføre hårdt tiltrængte velfærdsreformer – som tidligere nævnt efter nordisk forbillede. Sådanne reformer vil sandsynligvis være en betingelse for, at irerne også fremover vil være indstillet på at indgå nye partnerskabsaftaler og ikke blot søge at realisere kortsigtede personlige fordele, som i længden vil vise sig at være til skade for samfundshelheden. Regeringen er altså bevidst om, at den må pleje den sociale kapital, hvis den fortsat skal kunne afkaste renter til fælles gavn. Hvis den vil skabe økonomisk vækst uden at underminere den sociale sammenhængskraft.
By Michael Böss, Director of the Centre for Irish Studies, University of Aarhus. English translation: Birgitte S. Bager
For the greater part of the last fifteen years, the Irish economy has developed into one of the strongest in Europe, having been one of the most failed for most of the century. The causes and means for economic growth are varied and complex and should be considered against the backdrop of the economic history of Ireland from the early 1960s onwards.
However, as it is the case for Denmark, the modernised, prosperous Ireland of the present faces the new challenges of a global market. This will require reforms and initiatives which will increase the competitive power so that future national growth is secured. This memo aims at presenting arguments that suggest that a Danish-Irish exchange of experiences will be helpful to this process. The proposal, then, is to be seen as an attempt to identify a range of topics which would be relevant to address in the seminar from a Danish point of view.
To a large extent, the considerations of the proposal refer to the strategic plan which has been brought forward in the latest “partnership agreement" between the government and its “social partners".
Over the last fifteen years, the Irish Government has, with regular intervals, entered into a total “partnership agreement" with a number of “social partners" within Irish society. These include the Trade Union Federation (ICTU), the Irish Business and Employers Confederation (IBEC), the Irish Exporters Association (IEA), the Council of Agriculture along with several other private or semi-private organisations and institutions. In each instance, the main agreement has been based on a strategy report provided by the NESCC, the National Economic and Social Council. The latest main agreement was entered into in June 2006 and has been published in the report Towards 2016: Ten-year Framework Social Partnership Agreement 2006-2015.
The initial part of the report deals with the ways in which Ireland is to be successful in strengthening its position in a “Changing World Economy" in such a way that more attention will be paid to the environment and social welfare. In section 26 of this part of the report it is indicated that such considerations can be met through “the further development of our relations with our current and future EU partners".
The MatchPoints seminar should be seen in the light of this report, as well as its being based on the idea that the future cooperative efforts within the EU would benefit from taking place not merely via Brussels. This could also occur through decentralised or bi- or multilateral exchanges of experiences in terms of benchmarking and studies of best national practise, macro- and micro- economical relationships and the development of public service and welfare.
Initially, however, it should be stressed that for historical and cultural-institutional reasons, there are substantial economic, social and political differences between Ireland and Denmark. Because of this, it is not always possible for Denmark to just “copy" Irish structures, policies and approaches. On the other hand there are various similarities which make it relevant to exchange experiences and learn from one another. One of the similarities is that we are dealing with two smaller EU-countries, both of which have strong parliamentary and democratic traditions. The countries are also approximately the same size in terms of population and have the same high degree of cultural homogeneity, feelings of national identity and social stability. Moreover, both Denmark and Ireland have undergone a fast development from being agricultural societies to being based on industry, service and agricultural production. Lastly, both countries are top-ranking in Europe in terms of competitiveness and wealth measured against the GNP.
In this regard, it is important to point out that Ireland has a 30-40 year long tradition among social scientists of examining why Denmark initiated its economical modernisation several decades before Ireland. Furthermore, it is to be recognised that the present Irish government is in fact striving to develop Irish society in a manner similar to the Danish and the other Scandinavian societies. The fact that Denmark in these various different ways serves as a model for Ireland, may well benefit Denmark. At the same time, there are several issues that we in Denmark will be able to learn from.
Considering that both countries are currently trying to improve competitive advantages through initiatives which are strikingly similar, comparisons and exchanges of experience between these countries become extremely relevant. In the following sections I shall briefly address some of the questions which will be interesting to Danes will be addressed.
Generally, Denmark is bound to be interested in heightening the awareness of the background of Ireland’s extraordinary economic growth since 1993; a growth which is predicted to remain on a higher level than the Danish economy[vi] for the next 2-3 years. How can this be explained? Have specific Irish conditions played a part? What has caused certain political-economic initiatives? Has there been a collective strategy? What is the role of the state? What have the partnership agreements contributed with? Why can Ireland expect continual growth at a point in time when the Danish economy is expected to experience a slower growth rate?
Ireland’s high growth forecast is, among other things, caused by the fact that the Ireland, as one of the only countries in Europe, will experience a very high growth in the population during the coming years. This growth is rooted in part in Ireland’s demographic profile as a very “young" country, and partly because of continued migration from Eastern Europe, the Baltic countries as well as China and other overseas countries. The population growth will contribute to continued economic growth and create a larger market, which Danish businesses may have an interest in entering through export, investment or formation.[vii]
Ireland can also be a source of inspiration if we are to avoid a low growth rate, since Ireland has certainly not always applied the same growth strategies as Denmark. However, in this case we should also be interested in knowing more about the risks involved with the very open current economy which Ireland has at present. The Irish economy is exposed to the fluctuations of the American market due to its reliance on American corporate investments, especially in IT.
Besides, we ought to gain more knowledge about how the Irish seek to safeguard themselves against these risks by creating a knowledge based economy of their own. The government is now encouraging and supporting the national businesses with a view to establishing their own research and innovation departments, creating networks with other businesses and research institutions, so-called “clusters of competence", and venturing into a closer cooperative effort with national and regional knowledge centres and networks (Universities, science parks and innovation centres). In all of these areas, we in Denmark have an interest in comparing Irish experiences to our own.
Finally, Denmark may gain from more information about how the present Irish government attempts to improve the domestic economic competitiveness while at the same time focussing on an increased protection of the environment and greatly improved welfare schemes and services. . Not so much because we have much to learn from Ireland here – since Denmark is way ahead of Ireland regarding these questions – but in order to be able to contribute to a solution to Ireland’s social and environmental problems based on the experience and know-how of the Danish private and public sectors. This is an issue that the Irish government wishes to address. Hence, the wording of the most recent partnership agreement suggests that the improvements within the public sector in Ireland should build on a "systematic learning from the experience of other countries as a guide to dealing with issues that may arise".[viii]
In this context, it is significant to point out that although the Irish are currently experiencing a slightly higher standard of living than Danes, Irish society is characterised by a high degree of inequality, substantial problems of poverty and serious issues concerning social exclusion. The social welfare policies are of course an attempt to rectify some of the gravest problems, but they fall far below the standards to which we are accustomed in Denmark. This is the background for the Irish government's focus on "reinventing Ireland's social policy" as a basis for a "developmental welfare state"[ix]. Included in this strategy, is a service reform of public companies and institutions.
In conclusion of this section, it can be established that the Irish government wishes to create economic growth while carrying out reforms of environmental conservation and the welfare system. In what areas are these step to be taken, and what policies will be emphasised?
Due to the fact that Ireland is vulnerable to fluctuations of the market, extensive and dramatic public capital investments are not to be expected. A relatively cautious fiscal policy will remain in order to ensure manoeuvrability in case of an economic slowdown. The capital investments which will be made - estimated to 5 percent of the GNP - will first and foremost serve to remedy the still very considerable problems in terms of infrastructure of the Irish economy which among other things entail an economic imbalance of the country. This imbalance is detrimental to especially to the western regions of the country. Furthermore, investments will be made in order to enhance the development of a knowledge-based economy: telecommunication, human resource development and innovation. Hence, there will be an emphasis on education - including re-training - research and the establishment of interaction between research and product development.
The Irish government is particularly interested in the development of mutual business networks as well as those between businesses and research institutions. The government business policy is thus connected with its strategy for science, technology and innovation, as described in the Knowledge Society Action Plan, just made public by the government. According to this strategy, there will be a massive focus on the development of a high standard research system, achieved by doubling Ph.D.'s. Apart from this, it will be attempted to attract foreign researchers to Irish universities. Allegedly, research can also be strengthened by an increased "transnational" cooperative effort between Irish and foreign universities. This part of the strategy is of obvious interest to Danes.
The Irish government is trying to promote a more widespread enterprise culture. As we know, this is also the wish of the Danish government. Yet, one should be aware that Ireland is already in third place in the EU with regards to the ability to start new businesses[x]. This is caused in part by the eased access to capital and partly to fewer administrative obstacles than those of many other countries. Ireland is thus on a par with Denmark in the development of an enterprise culture. Consequently, it would be a natural question to address, since it would prove useful to make direct comparisons of the different methods applied in the two countries. There is also an attractive element there for Danish businesses that may wish to form a subsidiary in Ireland.
Lastly, the Irish government has decided to focus on increasing the competitive advantage of the industry. This is to occur by placing an emphasis on education and re-training and further education of the existing workforce. The government has just established a High Level Manufacturing Group, which is to assess the challenges faced by the industrial sector as a whole, as well as make suggestions as to how they are to be met. The majority will be familiar with the debate proposed by the reports of Dansk Erhvervsråd (The Danish Council for Trade and Industry). For instance funding includes help to computerisation and internationalisation of smaller businesses, means for establishing research and development units in industrial businesses, improvements to the access of information about the possibilities on relevant markets of export and for information about financial banking from the EU. What is perhaps more interesting from a Danish perspective, however, is that the board will investigate the opportunities of improving the "industrial environment" through more flexible regulations. Here it should be mentioned that Ireland already has achieved an international reputation as a country where the period from idea and invention to production and export is relatively short.
To conclude, some considerations about the actual concept of “partnership" employed in the new agreement deserve mentioning as it is a concept which has become a central component of Irish politics and public debate through the last twenty years.
In 1987, the Irish government commenced the tenacious task of leading the country away from that economic abyss which at the time had drawn worryingly close. Among other things, this occurred by initiating a so-called partnership agreement with a line of interest groups and institutions within civil society. Its purpose was to unite economic growth with social development. Since then, such agreements have become an integral part of Irish politics.
Ireland’s success in remaining a most harmonious society during the massive growth and internationalisation of the past decade is caused, to a large extent, by the way in which the government has managed to gain wide-ranging support from employees, employers, farmers and many other groups issues such as: pay restraints, tax reforms, welfare programs, the health care budget, economic restructuring, and many more. Hence, the partnership agreements are not only about transforming Ireland into what political scientists refer to as a “competitive state". They are also to a large degree about how to create economic growth while maintaining social cohesion.
Those behind the social partnership agreements perceive of them as far more than conventional tripartite agreements of the labour market. We are dealing with democratic innovative thinking, in that the political co-determination is expanded to reach beyond the limits of the parliamentary system, it is claimed. Although the state acts as one of the partners of the agreement, it by no means represents a type of command economy mentality. On the contrary, the agreements should be seen as a kind of fusion between liberal ideas and a long established Irish tradition of perceiving society as an ethical community of citizens.
There should be no doubt about the fact that the partnership agreements of the 1990s contributed to creating Ireland’s “tiger economy". Today, while the growth is lesser but still high, the strong economy has enabled the state to generate income, with which it can carry through much-needed welfare reforms – which, as mentioned earlier, may be inspired by the Nordic social model Such reforms will in all likelihood be a condition for the success of future partnership agreements. The government appears conscious that it has to nurture social capital if it is to continue to yield rates of interest for the common good - if it is to create economic growth without undermining the social cohesion.
1. Irlands forudsete vækst i GNP: 3,5-4,9 procent i 2007-2010 og 3,1-3,3 procent i 2010-2012.
2. Hvordan de irske erfaringer med migration så vil være på længere sigt er heller ikke et uinteressant spørgsmål fra ud en dansk synsvinkel. Måske vil der være irske embedsmænd og politikere, der ville være interesserede i at høre om dansk integrationspolitik i de kommende år.
3. S. 19.
4. Jf. NESCs rapport The Developmental Welfare State.
5. Ifølge World Economic Forums Lisbon Review 2006.
6. Ireland’s predicted growth on the GNP: 3,5-4,9 percent in 2007-2010 and 3,1-3,3 percent in 1210-2012.
7. The experiences Ireland are to gain from migration in the long term is also an interesting question from a Danish perspective. Perhaps Irish public officials and politicians will be interested in learning about Danish integration policies over the coming years.
8. P.19.
9. cf. NESC’s report "The Developmental Welfare State".
10. According to World Economic Forum’s Lisbon Review 2006.
